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Con i nostri Clienti? Spiraling inflation and an aggressive monetary policy tightening cycle by the Federal Reserve could be enough to tip the U. Add an Eastern European war into the mix, and the risk of a downturn spikes. Major economic forecasters see a roughly 1 in 3 chance of a recession within the next 12 to 18 months, not-insignificant odds that have more or less doubled since Russia invaded Ukraine in late February. And the Fed does have a significant factor in its favor: the U.

Consumers are flush and businesses are in hiring mode. Some economists and Fed officials contend that could be enough for it to withstand a series of interest rate increases. But the fallout from the war adds a new dimension. Steep rate-hike cycles have historically been catalysts for economic downturns, because moving aggressively to slow the economy carries an inherent risk of going too far, stalling growth and driving up unemployment.

Still, eight recessions out of 11 tightening cycles is reason for concern, and some economists say the risk now is significant in part because the Fed waited so long to act on inflation— consumer prices have risen 7. That in turn could carry a greater chance of overdoing it. The compounding factor is the Russia-Ukraine war, which could keep oil and other commodity prices elevated for months to come and risks bringing down global demand.

A prolonged period of higher oil prices would mean U. At the same time, continued supply chain disruptions stemming from both the war and Covid-related factory shutdowns in China could keep prices elevated even longer. All of which would lessen the chances that the Fed is able to get a handle on inflation soon.

The U. Despite the mounting risks facing the U. The labor market is remarkably strong, with record levels of job openings, sustained demand for workers, a rising labor-force participation rate, and unemployment that has fallen to 3.

Growth has been so strong that even a sizeable slowdown this year could still leave the economy humming along. Tempering the pain is likely to be the U. The layoff rate hit an all-time low of 0. A delay in widespread layoffs would minimize the hit to employment, thereby limiting the damage to consumer demand and the broader economy.

Still, while the economy for now looks steady, the level of uncertainty around the world means the status quo could change quite quickly, says Roach, the Yale economist. Cantavano i R. Fu un grande successo. Quel grande successo, in un certo senso, anticipava i tempi che noi stiamo vivendo. In questo Post, cercheremo di aiutare i nostri lettori a comprendere la portata appunto epocale dei fatti a cui stiamo assistendo, dal ad oggi, e soprattutto di quelli a cui assisteremo in futuro.

Un network di altissimo livello, con il quale i contatti, in questo periodo, sono quotidiani, e da qui derivano poi i contenuti che mettiamo a disposizione dei nostri Clienti ogni mattina. Ai lettori del Blog, noi offriamo in lettura due articoli, in questo Post, che sono utilissimi per comprendere che stiamo attraversando un momento della Storia di quelli nei quali cambiano tutti i punti di riferimento.

Come vedete, il primo dei due articolo porta un titolo che richiama, appunto, il brano dei R. Liam Denning. Liam Denning is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering energy, mining and commodities. He was also an investment banker. Roughly half the U. Which is good; life ought to be lived without the existential dread of mushroom clouds.

Yet for many of us growing up in the West, the Cold War period was actually better than any time our ancestors experienced. We enjoyed economic growth, access to high-quality health care and education and jet-powered trade and travel. Plus peace, even if predicated on mutually assured destruction. Economies boomed as trade barriers fell and Chinese manufacturing hit its stride. And there was the internet and on-demand everything.

Plus peace, even if marked by occasional terrorist attacks and the odd faraway war. Nuclear weapons remained, of course, but came to seem like relics. There had been an earlier era of globalization, in the decades leading up World War I. But that one stemmed from technological advances in shipping and communication rather than a true embrace of multilateralism. Back then, trade was dominated by the competing empires that ultimately clashed in The decisive break from history at the end of World War II happened because its unequivocal victor, the U.

Instead, it used direct aid and economic access to rebuild them. And other countries, too. With free trade secured, otherwise economically marginal or previously insecure regions except those aligned with Moscow could develop, selling to and buying from a global marketplace.

Without this peculiar order in place, it is hard to imagine a Singapore or even a Saudi Arabia — and definitely not a Ukraine — as sustained sovereign actors. Weird as this was, its persistence after the USSR collapsed was even weirder. As the American bribe became harder to justify, the U.

Now, rather than wither, NATO may actually gain new members. Economic sanctions on Russia have been swift, harsh and surprisingly cohesive. Not so fast. For one thing, Russia, which spans 11 time zones and exports all types of vital commodities, is no longer part of the international system in the way it was just a few weeks ago.

Sovereign debt default appears imminent. And however unrealistic it might seem for Western Europe to sever its energy umbilicus with Russia, keeping it intact is at least as unrealistic. This war is barely three weeks old, and we have yet to see how unity will hold up over an extended period of potential energy shortages.

One effect of postwar globalization was that it reduced the importance of location — which, in geopolitical terms, is about as distorted as things get. Dizzyingly complex, extended supply chains make it possible to lay your hands on gasoline or a smartphone or anything else pretty much anywhere. Now location matters again.

Germany, with its capital about miles from Kyiv and its reliance on Russia for half of its gas, is in a different place in several senses from neighboring France, whose capital lies almost 1, miles from the war zone and gets only a quarter of its gas from Siberia. Even assuming this current crisis revives the U.

President Joe Biden is poles apart from his predecessor. But his recent State of the Union speech, while calling for the world to stand with Ukraine, also doubled down on protectionism and reshoring. Germany is the most striking example of a major ally suddenly recognizing this, though well past time. This explains why, with Ukraine under attack, Berlin has decided to rearm with gusto — another apparition from the old normal.

There is a world of difference between Beijing doubling down on siding with Moscow and its accommodating the international order from which it has benefited enormously. Yet the obvious potential change is accelerating fragmentation, something glimpsed already in rising protectionism and in the vaccine diplomacy or lack of it during the pandemic.

The alternative to outsourcing and division of labor is duplication of industries, which means doing and investing more in the near term but incurring the cost of inefficiencies over the longer term. And you thought inflation was bad already.

Surging gasoline prices and long lead times for sofa-buyers are not, however, the worst potential outcomes here. The first endpoint mostly entails higher prices, assuming a world that still coordinates relatively uninhibited energy flows. If the world reverts to the older normal of great-power competition, the outcome would tend more toward some states being cut off completely.

Populations in North Africa and the Middle East in particular have expanded by a factor of seven since Bulk food shipments originating a continent or more away are now a commonality. Given the news and images from Ukraine, it may seem petty to sound the alarm on access to stuff. Except that access to sometimes vital stuff, at broadly affordable prices and without fear of interdiction, has been the making of not merely Western prosperity but, in other parts of the world, sheer viability.

John Micklethwait and. Adrian Wooldridge. The inhabitant of London [in ] could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, in such quantity as he might see fit, and reasonably expect their early delivery upon his doorstep; he could at the same moment and by the same means adventure his wealth in the natural resources and new enterprises of any quarter of the world, and share, without exertion or even trouble, in their prospective fruits and advantages.

Keynes then describes how this Londoner could speculate on the markets and travel wherever he wanted without a passport or the bother of changing currency the gold standard meant that his money was good everywhere.

The projects and politics of militarism and imperialism, of racial and cultural rivalries, of monopolies, restrictions and exclusion, which were to play the serpent to this paradise, were little more than the amusements of his daily newspaper, and appeared to exercise almost no influence at all on the ordinary course of social and economic life, the internationalization of which was nearly complete in practice. Within a year most of them were in the trenches.

Intellectuals agreed. The great businesses of Europe and the U. The first great age of globalization, which started in the s and was underpinned by British power and coordinated by British statecraft, had left the commercial classes free to make money — businesspeople then faced far fewer barriers than their modern equivalents when it came to moving money, goods or people around the world. Clio, the muse of history, is always wise after the event, but future generations could well ask the same question about us: How could they not know?

And the biggest drama before Ukraine was a virus that froze supply chains and forced the world into hibernation. We ordered exotic goods in the confident expectation that Amazon would deliver them to our doors the next day. We invested in emerging-market stocks, purchased Bitcoin, and chatted with people on the other side of the world via Zoom. Many of us dismissed Covid as a temporary suspension of our global lifestyle.

Now that we have been shaken awake, most of our attention is on the bloodshed in Ukraine, and rightly so. But just as World War I mattered for reasons beyond the slaughter of millions of human beings, this conflict could mark a lasting change in the way the world economy works — and the way we all live our lives, however far we are from the carnage in Eastern Europe. By its nature, economic liberalism exaggerates the downsides of capitalism as well as the upsides: Inequality increases, companies sever their local roots, losers fall further behind, and — without global regulations — environmental problems multiply.

Yet liberalism has also dragged more than a billion people out of poverty in the past three decades and, in many cases, promoted political freedom along with economic freedom. The alternatives, historically speaking, have been wretched. Right now, the outcome that we have been sliding toward seems one in which an autocratic East gradually divides from — and then potentially accelerates past — a democratic but divided West.

And the coming weeks offer a golden opportunity to redesign the global economic order. And for the first time in years, the West is coming together rather than falling apart. This week, Joe Biden is traveling to Europe as the leader of the newly united and reinvigorated free world.

Share of global GDP by country and level of freedom based on political rights and civil liberties. So far, for all his talk of uniting democracies, Biden has done little to highlight, let alone advance, the economic dimension of freedom. The question for Biden and the European leaders he will meet this week is simple: What sort of world do they want to build in the future? Ukraine could well mark the end of one great episode in human history.

It could also be the time that the free world comes together and creates another, more united, more interconnected and more sustainable one than ever before. Seizing that opportunity will require an understanding of both economics and history. The end of the last global age was particularly brutal.

The conflagration quickly halted trade, capital flows and migration. Governments interfered in the economy more deeply than ever before. When the guns finally fell silent in and peace was forced on Germany at Versailles in the Carthaginian terms that Keynes decried so eloquently , the Bidens, Johnsons and Macrons of the time tried to restore the old world order of free trade and liberal harmony — and comprehensively failed.

The new superpower, America, refused to become the defender of the faith that Great Britain had protected with such skill until A beggar-thy-neighbor policy of tariffs slowed the world economy and eventually produced the Great Depression, with global trade shrinking by more than half in The serpents continued to slither: Lenin, Mussolini and Hitler exploited defeat and poverty to create aggressively anti-liberal regimes, the Soviet version of which lasted for seven decades.

The situation for liberal economics was so dismal that, by the mids, Keynes himself had abandoned free-market liberalism as a lost cause and was campaigning for national self-sufficiency. Only after the Second World War did economic integration resume its advance — and then only on the Western half of the map. What most of us today think of as globalization only began in the s, with the arrival of Thatcherism and Reaganism, the fall of the Berlin Wall, the reintegration of China into the world economy, and, in , the creation of the European single market.

Yet once politicians got out of the way, globalization sped up, driven by technology and commerce. Young technology companies such as Microsoft Corp. More recently, as the attacks on globalization have mounted, economic integration has slowed and in some cases gone into reverse. The supply of basic commodities, from wheat to nickel to titanium to oil, has been disrupted.

Photos have appeared on social media of Russians standing in interminable queues for sugar and other basic foods or else fighting over remaining scraps, just as they did in the Soviet days. The Western policymakers meeting this week will say they have no intention of closing down the global order. In an ideal world, Putin would be toppled — the victim of his own delusions and paranoia — and the Russian people would sweep away the kleptocracy in the Kremlin.

It would bring the West back as well. The culture warriors on both sides of the Atlantic would simmer down, and the woke and unwoke alike would celebrate their collective belief in freedom and democracy. Younger Russians, particularly in the big cities, are more liberal than their parents. Meanwhile in the West, Ukraine has already prompted a great rethink.

Meanwhile, Ukrainian immigrants are being welcomed by nations that only a few months ago were shunning foreigners, and, after a decade of slumber in Brussels, the momentum for integration is increasing. But this turning point can still lead in several directions. Western Europe has heard pious words about integration and immigration before. As we wait for these giants to act, the facts on the ground are changing in economics as well as politics.

In particular, the invasion of Ukraine is accelerating changes in both geopolitics and the capitalist mindset that are deeply inimical to globalization. The changes in geopolitics come down to one word: China, whose rapid and seemingly inexorable rise is the central geopolitical fact of our time. The immediate question with China is how far it will support Putin in Ukraine. China has still notably failed to participate in Western sanctions. On the same day, a Chinese think tanker, Hu Wei, posted a fascinating memorandum warning his country that the invasion of Ukraine is revitalizing the West, and that China needs to dump the burden that is Russia.

Xi has spent much of his rule building a Sinocentric economic order through the Belt and Road Initiative. So, absent any decisive action by the West, geopolitics is definitively moving against globalization — toward a world dominated by two or three great trading blocs: an Asian one with China at its heart and perhaps Russia as its energy supplier; an American-led bloc; and perhaps a third centered on the European Union, with the Europeans broadly sympathetic to the U.

Other powers will vacillate between these two or three great blocs, much as they did during the Cold War. India may do what it has done so well over Ukraine and play both sides. Pakistan will lean toward China but not fully commit while India is in play. Saudi Arabia will exploit uncertainty over energy supplies to pursue brutality at home and Islamist policies abroad.

And so on. Just as important as this geopolitical shift is the change in the capitalist mindset. If the current age of globalization was facilitated by politicians, it has been driven by businesspeople. It is burying most of the basic assumptions that have underlain business thinking about the world for the past 40 years.

Businesses could rely on a world in which countries would specialize in their comparative advantage. Commerce and free trade would bring people closer, as Fukuyama argued, rather than divide them, as Huntington warned — and businesses that ran themselves globally and wove the most cost-effective supply chains would prosper. Commercially speaking, this bet paid off spectacularly.

Over the past 50 years multinationals have turned themselves from federations of national companies into truly integrated organizations that could take full advantage of global economies of scale and scope and, of course, global loopholes in taxes and regulations. World trade in manufactured goods doubled in the s and doubled again in the s. Inflationary pressures have been kept low despite loose monetary policies. Merchandise exports doubled in the s and again in the s.

Militarism and cultural rivalries keep trumping economic logic. Putin invading Ukraine is merely one in a long list of economically self-harming decisions that vary from dynastic thuggishness Saudi Arabia bombing Yemen and murdering journalists to knee-jerk isolationism Brexit. Against such persistent irrationalism, CEOs who used to build empires based on just-in-time production are now looking at just-in-case : adding inefficient production closer to home in case their foreign plants are cut off.

Every Western company is now wondering how exposed it is to political risk. Capitalists are all Huntingtonians now. Nor is just fear changing the capitalist mindset. Greed is also acquiring an anti-global tint.

All of it. So the second age of globalization is fading fast. Unless something is done quickly and decisively, the world will divide into hostile camps, regardless of what happens in Ukraine. And this divided world will not suit the West. The most trumpeted figure is that only 40 countries did not vote for this 35 abstained, and five voted against it , compared with countries who voted in favor.

These deeper changes in capitalism and geopolitics increase the stakes this week. Do nothing and the drift toward protectionism will inevitably accelerate. The Chinese, for one, seem pretty sure that the West lacks the collective character to keep up its current stance as energy prices soar and compassion fatigue sets in. But we still have time to shape a very different future: one in which global wealth is increased and the Western alliance bolstered.

Despite his less-than-stellar presidency thus far, Biden comes to Europe with several big advantages. The first is that the West is more united and determined than it has been for decades. The sense of unity behind liberal values is no longer confined to the metropolitan elite. One of the great problems with modern liberalism for the past few decades has been its lack of a gripping narrative and a compelling cast of heroes and villains. Now Putin has inadvertently reversed all that.

Freedom is the creed of heroes such as Zelenskiy; anti-liberalism is the creed of monsters who drop bombs on children. George H. He has drawn a line between supplying the resistance and becoming involved in the war or giving others an excuse to claim the U. And he has put firm pressure on China to stay out of the conflict. Biden needs to go further in the coming weeks.

He needs to reinforce the Western alliance so that it can withstand the potential storms to come. Biden needs to recognize that expanding economic interdependence among his allies is a geostrategic imperative. He should offer Europe a comprehensive free-trade deal to bind the West together; it could be a slightly remolded version of the rejected Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, based on regulatory convergence under which a product safe to sell in the EU is safe to sell in the U.

Why should the Democratic left accept this? Biden is old enough to remember that the United States won the last Cold War peacefully because it united the free world behind it. This is the way to win the next one peacefully as well. Biden should pursue a two-stage strategy: First, deepen economic integration among like-minded nations; but leave the door open to autocracies if they become more flexible.

China could be wooed toward freedom. But nothing will improve unless Biden first glues together the free world. That means freer trade — and the sooner he tells his party that, the better. Biden can soften that message at home by adding a political dimension to his trade agenda. A global new deal should certainly include a focus on making multinational companies pay their taxes, and the environment should be to the fore.

But Biden should also talk about the true cost of protectionism in terms of higher prices, worse products and less innovation. But the alternative is a division of the world into hostile economic and political blocs that comes straight out of the s.

Anche il vostro private banker. Ed oggi, pure il promotore, pure il private banker, pure il wealh manager e persino il robo-advisor sono costretti a parlare con voi di stagflazione. Oggi i toni sono decisamente, e vistosamente, cambiati.

Ve lo documentiamo qui sotto. Non si tratta soltanto di Borse. E si torna a parlare di panico sui mercati finanziari. Supply chain disruptions sweeping major economies have reawakened an old nemesis for investors: stagflation. Anxiety over rising inflation has been ever-present in markets this year. Then, inflation and interest rates ran into double digits, unemployment soared and GDP recovered only slowly from repeated setbacks.

But with energy bills now rocketing, many worry about a growth slowdown at a time when central banks are edging towards lifting interest rates in a bid to keep a lid on longer-term inflation. Ample evidence suggests that the supply shock reverberating around the world, combined with outbreaks of the Delta variant of coronavirus, is tempering the recovery in growth. Data released this week pointed to a sharp slowdown in Chinese manufacturing, as regulatory pressures and high energy prices shut down some production.

Business surveys from the US, UK and eurozone suggest that activity has slowed as delivery times lengthened and backlogs built up. Selling activity spilled over into equity markets this week after data showed that US consumer confidence had dropped to a six-month low in August. The UK has found itself at the sharp end of stagflationary concerns, with a surge in energy prices compounded by driver shortages that left petrol pumps running dry.

While revised data show activity bounced back faster than thought over the summer, the recovery now appears to be faltering. Concerns over growth are one reason the pound has not benefited from a sharp rise in UK government bond yields, as they typically do, after Bailey signalled that a rate rise could come as soon as this year.

Instead, sterling has slumped to its lowest level of against the dollar, as some investors fear that early rate increases could choke off a fragile recovery. But it will have no impact on supply chain issues [. That dilemma — shared by other big central banks — could threaten buoyant equity markets, according to Mohamed El-Erian, chief economic adviser at Allianz. Others warn, however, that there is no sign yet of the strains on supply chains easing, and that the world could be heading for a more sustained period of tepid growth and higher inflation than policymakers have been predicting.

In quel Post veniva evidenziato proprio il rischio stagflazione come il maggiore rischio per i 12 mesi successivi, con queste parole: Vi chiediamo inoltre di notare i ripetuti accenni al tema della stagflazione, e quindi degli Anni Settanta. Noi su questo abbiamo oggi le idee molto chiare, tanto che ne abbiamo scritto, nel nostro The Morning Brief, ogni mattina la settimana scorsa.

Le decisioni di politica monetaria delle Banche Centrali, le decisioni di politica economica dei Governi, ed anche le scelte delle Aziende. Tra un anno, saremo qui con voi a verificare. Nel frattempo, tra centinia e centinaia di commenti, ne abbiamo scelto uno particolarmente qualificato, che qui di seguito vi mettiamo a disposizione gratuitamente. What worries me the most is inequality, both within and across countries. A highly unequal society is not an economic healthy society.

But the thing that worries me even more than that is inequality of opportunity. We know what Covid did to people who had no WiFi at home, who had no computers. We know that public school districts lost touch with a lot of their students and these students were not only becoming unemployed, but unemployable, which means a lost generation of young people.

As we slowly emerge from Covid, its aftermath creates different dynamics around the world. The onus is increasingly on you coming to the employer. And that is the real issue when education is lagging, when technology is lagging. We were watching a tragic movie in play mode and then Covid came along and pressed fast-forward. First, it worsened wealth inequality because the response to Covid involved massive Federal Reserve liquidity injections to boost asset prices. And who owns assets?

So if you look at what has happened, the top part of the wealth distribution, people are much better off than they were before Covid. So suddenly both the actual and potential wealth and income has declined. There are record levels of vacancies that the labor market is not able to match to workers. And then you get what economists called multiple equilibria: one bad outcome, resulting not in mean reversion, but a high likelihood of an even worse outcome.

On the economic side, it looks like insufficient aggregate demand, which is a fancy way of saying that as the rich capture more income and more wealth, they spend less of it. The poor tend to consume more. We know what that looks like. We know the social consequences. It is cultural war. It eats away at the fabric of society.

We know what it looks like politically. People will become single-issue voters, and single-issue voters can be captured by all sorts of things. And then it means a less equal world. You know, I grew up interested in developing countries, and for decades it was almost an accepted fact — not a hypothesis, almost an accepted fact — that these countries would converge to the advanced economies.

Well guess what? And I suspect this divergence is not short term. So we may live in a less equal world, or to be more blunt, a much more unequal world. I mean, I can go on and on. So it is problematic. The American dream is all about capturing these amazing opportunities and being able to go right up the income ladder.

The prescription is investing in human and physical infrastructure. It starts at a very early age, at pre-K, exposing bright minds to exciting education and opportunities. It continues throughout the middle school, high school, university, making elite universities more accessible to people who deserve to be there but may be held back because they come from the wrong zip code or because their parents have never had an education. Si tratta di eventi che non hanno precedenti: la prima volta nella storia.

Falchi o colombe, alla Fed tutti sono costretti a fare e dire le sole cose che possono fare e dire, data la attuale situazione. More than federal judges have violated U. A Wall Street Journal investigation found that judges have improperly failed to disqualify themselves from court cases around the nation since The jurists were appointed by nearly every president from Lyndon Johnson to Donald Trump.

About two-thirds of federal district judges disclosed holdings of individual stocks, and nearly one of every five who did heard at least one case involving those stocks. Alerted to the violations by the Journal, 56 of the judges have directed court clerks to notify parties in lawsuits that they should have recused themselves. That means new judges might be assigned, potentially upending rulings. The hundreds of recusal violations found by the Journal breach a bedrock principle of American jurisprudence: No one should be a judge of his or her own cause.

Congress first laid out that principle in to guarantee litigants an impartial judge and reassure the public that courts could be trusted. In the Comcast case, a Colorado couple asked Judge Babcock to issue an order blocking Comcast from accessing their property to install fiber-optic cable. He blamed flawed internal procedures. A Comcast spokeswoman declined to comment. Judge Gibbons from the Ford trademark case, appointed to the appeals court by former President George W.

She later directed the clerk of the Sixth U. Circuit Court of Appeals to notify the parties of the violation and said that her husband has since told his financial adviser not to buy individual stocks. Conflict-of-interest rules are common for state and federal employees as well as for lawyers, journalists and corporate executives.

The Journal reviewed financial disclosure forms filed annually for through by roughly federal judges who reported holding individual stocks of large companies, and then compared those holdings to tens of thousands of court dockets in civil cases. The same conflict rules apply to criminal cases, but large companies are rarely charged, and the Journal found no instances of judges holding shares of corporate criminal defendants in their courts.

It found that federal district judges and two federal appellate judges had at least one case in which a stock they or their family owned was a plaintiff or defendant. Judges offered a variety of explanations for the violations. Some blamed court clerks. Some said their recusal lists had misspellings that foiled the conflict-screening software.

Some pointed to trades that resulted in losses. Others said they had only nominal roles, such as confirming settlements or transferring cases to other courts, though there is no legal exemption for such work. Some said their recusal lists had misspellings. Holding lifetime appointments, they preside over hundreds of thousands of civil and criminal cases each year in 94 court districts.

They have soup-to-nuts control over all elements of their courtrooms, from pretrial process and trial to criminal pleas, judgments and sentencing. Judges have wide latitude for fact findings and evidentiary rulings, most of which can be overturned only for abuse of discretion, a high hurdle. Violations of the law almost never become public. Judges are informed if anyone requests to see their disclosures, creating a disincentive for lawyers who might fear annoying judges in whose courtrooms they frequently appear.

No judges in modern times have been removed from the federal bench solely for having a financial interest in a plaintiff or defendant that appeared in their courtroom. The Journal analyzed data from the Free Law Project, a nonpartisan legal-research nonprofit that is planning to post judicial disclosure forms online.

The findings amount to a pervasive disregard for the judicial conflict-of-interest laws, legal experts said. Judge Batten, appointed by former President George W. The Journal analyzed cases to determine whether judges made rulings on contested motions, such as those seeking dismissal or summary judgment. Already, several parties on the losing side of the rulings have petitioned for a new judge to hear their cases after they were alerted to the violations identified by the Journal. The ban on holding even a single share of a company while presiding in a case involving the firm means judges must be vigilant.

The Judicial Conference of the U. In the Microsoft case, a Chicago man alleged the software giant violated the Telephone Consumer Protection Act by sending an unsolicited text about its Xbox gaming console to his mobile phone. He filed suit in Microsoft said that it had received permission to send the texts but that records confirming this had been destroyed. He appealed but settled before the appeal was heard. A spokesman for Microsoft declined to comment.

Judge Sammartino, an appointee of former President George W. Bush, initially referred questions from the Journal to William Cracraft, a spokesman for the Ninth U. Circuit Court of Appeals. Cracraft said. Thus, the financial interest neither affected nor impacted her decisions in this case. However, the financial interest would have required recusal. Before the Journal contacted Judge Sammartino about her recusal violations, she disqualified herself in at least 10 other cases involving companies whose stocks were listed on her disclosure forms, a review of her cases shows.

Rodney Gilstrap, chief of the U. Legal-ethics experts disagreed on both counts. Brian Martinotti in New Jersey ranked third, handling 44 cases involving companies in which he had invested. Among his biggest holdings was Alphabet Inc. Brian Martinotti, Gershwin Drain, Emily MarksIn , the judge threw out a lawsuit against Google alleging that videos on its YouTube unit falsely said the plaintiff was a sex offender, ruling that the Communications Decency Act let Google off the hook. A spokesman for Google declined to comment.

Bush appointee, bowed out of a suit by an injured motorist against insurer Allstate Corp. The case was reassigned to Judge Gershwin Drain, who also owned Allstate shares. Judge Drain heard the case—and six others involving Allstate—and wrote a ruling denying a request by the motorist to move the dispute to state court. The case then settled on undisclosed terms.

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S , Coatue, Khosla Ventures and Temasek among its backers. Sign up to our investor newsletter to get the latest news and trends in global financial markets. Subscribe to our newsletter to get all the news you need to start your day. Robinhood Markets Inc has agreed in principle to settle a proposed class action filed by customers in the United States who claimed the investment app's outages in March shut them out of trading on pandemic-related volatility.

Global Investor Sign up to our investor newsletter to get the latest news and trends in global financial markets. Sign up. Daily Briefing Subscribe to our newsletter to get all the news you need to start your day. Future of Money Binance registers with Italy's regulator amid plans to expand in Europe , article with image May 27, Despite all the momentum for meat alternatives, judged by numbers alone Americans prefer actual meat.

The Impossible Whopper, for instance, comes with about as many calories as a normal Whopper and more sodium. More importantly, what happens if Americans prefer the Lightlife Burger? Or another plant-based alternative? If you do decide to invest after the company goes public, do so with eyes open and expect the type of swings Beyond Meat has endured. He lives in Dripping Springs, TX with his wife and kids and welcomes bbq tips. Select Region. United States. United Kingdom.

Taylor Tepper. Editorial Note: We earn a commission from partner links on Forbes Advisor. Commissions do not affect our editors' opinions or evaluations. Impossible Foods wants to change the way you eat. Was this article helpful? Share your feedback.

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